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The violence which took place in Sanaa, Ibb, Taiz, Dhamar, Redaa, Amran, Khamer, Serwah, Marib and Al-Jawf claimed high casualties - so far, 52 dead and 214 injured. Property damaged and looted is put at hundreds of millions.  President Ali Abdullah Saleh invited opposition leaders on June 25th for talks to avoid further violence. He said the country risked being Somalized unless patriotic Yemenis came together. He blamed Saudi Arabia and some opposition parties for the unrest. The talks were inconclusive as the opposition did not respond to the president's appeals.

The government countered by banning demonstrations. A communique carried by the official media stated that "as there was no law to regulate the people's rights to demonstrate, and until such law is passed, all demonstrations, protests, etc. are illegal and banned."
Meanwhile, the Yemeni Congregation for Reform (Islah) said it will work to bring down the government of Dr. Abdul-Karim Al-Iryani.

The Islah party is trying to exploit the situation by championing the 'case of the people'. "We had resisted these measures when we were in the coalition government," an Islah MP said. Another openly declared, "As the people predominantly voted for the People's General Congress party (in the last parliamentary elections), they should accept the results of their choice."Meanwhile, the country remains gripped with anti-government fever, although the violence is basically over Government sources have said that it was an open secret that Saudi fingers were clearly behind some of the unrest, especially in Marib and Al-Jawf.

Yet, irrespective of the internal/external political instigations, the basic factor behind the public uproar is economics. Experts offer three reasons for the restlessness. These are:
1) General Poverty;
2) Widespread Corruption;
3) Demonstration Effect.

Poverty:
It is no secret that Yemen is a poor country. The per capita GDP is less than ONE DOLLAR A DAY.
Half of the Yemeni population is under 18 years of age. About a third of the Yemeni population does not have enough to eat, leading to sever malnutrition. About 18% of our people are homeless. The unemployment rate is a staggering 36%, and it is on the rise, especially among the educated people and young graduates.
Violence erupts, therefore, as a result of economic hardships.

Corruption:
Most Yemenis do not trust the politicians who run the country. In fact, the people believe that their bad economic conditions are the direct result of the corruption of the officials and their clienteles. Therefore, fighting corruption has become a top-priority demand.

Demonstration Effect:
When ordinary people see an expensive 4-wheel drive car, they are immediately irritated. The lush gardens and luxurious villas, the fountains and swimming pools in private homes, the sophisticated electronic gadgets, big cars, etc., have all become a source of aggravation.
It is not that the people do not accept the symbols of wealth, but it is because they feel that such has not been earned.

The regime needs to attend to 3 regions in particular, which have been leading the uproar. These are Khowlan, Mareb and Taiz. These three regions have shown, time and again, they feel cheated out of their proper representation in the power structure of the nation. You can also add to the three regions some parts of the southern governorates, notably Aden and Hadhramaut.
The basic answer to Yemen's problems is decentralization of power. Sanaa cannot rule the whole country by its whims, especially in the absence of clear guidelines and proper respect for law and order.
In a decentralized system, any mismanagement at the local level will not be reflected against the center. The people will have to sort out their problems without targeting the central authorities. This is why a decentralized system offers a solution.

The political bickering in Yemen often clouds the issues. The country needs the economic reforms, and the measures taken by the authorities are basically correct. What is needed now, however, is a better explaining of these measures to the general public. This government needs better public relations.
Another thing the government needs to do is avoid extravagant expenditures. Even if limited, these expenditures become an eye-sore and further aggravate the situation.

In the final analysis, Islah has little to gain by being the devil's advocate. The Islah leaders know clearly well that the measures were correct and that the country needs them. Implementation steps can be re-structured, and different power centers need to be consulted in this matter.

One final note. Dr. Iryani's address in parliament and other statements which indicate that the general public is wrong for demonstrating are neither accurate nor necessary. In the final analysis, Iryani's government is in power, logically because the public put them there. Politicians cannot and should not accuse the public of being unpatriotic.

By: Yemen Times staff.

The name World Bank (Al-Bank Al-Dowly) was mentioned 32 times in the 3-hour special session of parliament on Tuesday, June 23, 1998. The deputies had summoned the government to explain its actions, in the aftermath of the demonstrations following the price hikes.
Dr. Abdul-Karim Al-Iryani, Prime Minister, and key ministers in his cabinet were put through a washing machine. The puzzling thing, however, was that all sides seemed to agree that much of the blame rests with the World Bank.

These days, Yemen's important donor has become the target of the people's anger.
But the World Bank has it coming, partly because of its cultural insensitivity, and partly because of the mistakes of the people representing it.

During the First General Conference of NGOs, for example, the World Bank's pushy attitude got mentioned a few times. It was noted that a certain Ms. Karen Hudes arm-twisted the Ministry of Social Affairs to secure a consultancy contract for a friend of hers, a Washington-based Dr. Leon Irish. Thus, most of the WB allocation for developing the NGO law ended up with Mr. Irish. Mr. Irish is knowledgeable about NGO laws, no doubt, but he is very ignorant of Yemeni realities. Thus his first law draft included things like "friends of dogs society" and "the role of church" in Yemen.
Ms. Hudes also spoke openly about having this or that minister in her camp (pocket). She objected to involvement of members of parliament in the early stages of developing the draft law, a mistake that will lead to difficulties when the bill goes to parliament.
It is such mistakes that present the WB in a negative way. This is especially true in circles of the press, intellectuals and law makers - people who have a say in the affairs of the nation.